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Inauguration: the fine print

originally published on Crosscut.com on December 23, 2008

For a Northwesterner to enter and win the inaugural-ticket lottery is to become Rod Blagojevich. You’ve got this thing, see, and it’s [expletive deleted] golden.

The congratulatory notice from your Congressman begins innocuously enough, like the first line on a prescription-drug label:

Congratulations on being selected to receive two tickets for the 56th Presidential Inaugural Ceremonies in Washington, DC on Tuesday, January 20, 2009. I look forward to seeing you when you come to pick-up your tickets.

True, you’re poor and it will cost at least 600 smackers to fly to DC. Why not give your tickets to a friend instead? Your inner-Blago awakens and says to you, “It’s a [expletive deleted] valuable thing. You just don’t give it away for nothing.”

Your Congressman anticipates miscreants like you. He writes:

Inauguration tickets will be available for pick-up in my Washington DC office on Monday, January 19th from 9:00 AM to 12:00 PM. This is the only day that tickets will be available.

Each person will need to show photo ID in order to receive their ticket. Tickets are non-transferable. Ticket holders will be required to provide the names of each individual in their party in advance.

Drats, you think, no windfall. At least you’ll be a part of history. You can sit back with your umbrella and thermos of Scotch and watch “Change We Can Believe In” finally come to pass.

This is the part of the message qua prescription-drug label that kindles second thoughts. It’s that mid-section on the back listing possible side effects such as dry mouth, trouble breathing, and mild-to-severe psychosis rarely lasting more than four hours.

The Inaugural Ceremony is held outside the West Front Lawn of the U.S. Capitol. Historically, Inauguration Day is cold and sometimes wet with an average temperature of 37 degrees. Attendees should be prepared to stand for several hours. If there is rain on Inauguration Day, umbrellas will not be permitted within the security perimeter.

No umbrella? What of your thermos? What of your Cutty Sark?

Once inside the event, movement will be limited and attendees will be asked to stay within their ticketed area. [read: weak-of-bladder best not attend] Please review the list of prohibited items carefully as there will be no place to leave prohibited items.

Prohibited items include, but are not limited to: Firearms and ammunition (either real or simulated), Explosives of any kind (including fireworks), Knives, blades, or sharp objects (of any length), Mace and/or pepper spray, Sticks or poles, Pockets or hand tools, such as ‘ꀜLeatherman,’ꀝ Packages, Backpacks, Large bags, Duffel bags, Suitcases, Thermoses, Coolers, Strollers, Umbrellas, Laser pointers, Signs, Posters, Animals (other than service animals), Alcoholic beverages, Other items that may pose a threat to the security of the event as determined by and at the discretion of the security screeners.

A TSA-style gauntlet followed by a freezing, thermos-umbrella-backpack-free inauguration?

Make no mistake, it will still be [expletive deleted] golden.

Sic Semper Tyrannis!

originally published on Crosscut.com on November 28, 2008

It’s a sweetly alarming image: Washington State Supreme Court Justice Richard Sanders shouting “Tyrant! You are a tyrant!” at the Attorney General of the United States during a Federalist Society dinner in Washington, DC last week.

It was a Colonial-style insult followed by a public injury when, a few minutes later, Attorney General Mukasey fainted mid-speech (there was no connect-the-collapse causality, mind you).

“Tyrant” is a pregnant old-schoolism that triggers thoughts of King George III or Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar. John Wilkes Booth purportedly yelled “Sic Semper Tyrannis!” (“thus always to tyrants”) after shooting Abraham Lincoln and bounding from the Presidential box at Ford’s Theatre. (Sic Semper Tyrannis is also the official state motto of Virginia which puts Washington’s gentle “Al-ki” to shame).

Justice Sanders may be a libertarian eccentric, prone to ill-considered outbursts. But give the magistrate his due: In the context of Mukasey’s November 20 prepared remarks, the tyrant broadside appears to be deserved.

The spiel-in-question was part Federalist Society suck-up (“The Federalist Society should be proud of the role it played in supporting these judges”), part lament of the liberal media, and part defense of the indefensible. One choice passage:

And when people denounce a purported assault on the Geneva Conventions, you might expect some level of specificity in the charges. One cannot assault a treaty as an abstract concept; one can only violate the treaty by acting contrary to its words. The Geneva Conventions contain 319 articles, of which 315 are plainly addressed to armed conflicts among the nations that signed the Conventions. It is hardly surprising that the United States concluded that those provisions would not apply to the armed conflict against Al Qaeda, an international terrorist group and not, the last time I checked, a signatory to the Conventions.

Ick. Mukasey embraces the dubious inheritance of Alberto Gonzales without apology. Does that make him a tyrant? As Yeats wrote a long, long time ago, “How can we tell the dancer from the dance?”

Escaping Scandinavia

originally published on Crosscut.com on October 18, 2007

The recent dedication of August Werner‘s re-pedestaled Leif Erikson statue at Shilshole Bay Marina in Ballard was sweetly timed, falling as it did on the eve of an ill-considered federal holiday. (Acknowledging the latter only inflates the myth, but his/its initials are C.C.) Epoch-namers are a cruel lot: Students absorb pre-Columbian history rather than pre-Eriksonian or even “pre-genocidal” history.

There’s no reason, of course, that we can’t amend that error right now: Leif Erikson, as all good children know, landed in North America half a millennium before Christopher Columbus. Like a responsible Scout – and contrary to his notorious counterpart – Leif left his camp the way he found it.

The Erikson statue was originally dedicated in 1962 as a kind of heritage counterweight to the Bubbleator, the IBM Selectric typewriter, and other rocket-age artifacts of the Century 21 Exposition. Unlike the Selectrics and the Bubbleator, however, Leif continues to thrive.

The new plaza, brilliantly designed by a Seattle artist, Jay Haavik, reflects the vision and fundraising prowess of the Leif Erikson International Foundation. (Yes, the acronym is LEIF.)

Weathering Viking-appropriate gloom the day of the dedication, the grandees of the Northwest’s Scandinavian-American community downed champagne and listened to Hugo’s Accordion Band and the Norwegian Ladies Chorus of Seattle. Outside a small-carnival-sized tent, the stoic and genealogically obsessed hunched around 13 rune stones patterned like a ship. Each features the names of Scandinavian immigrants (including my grandparents), a mini-Stonehenge hemming in Leif.

This handsome effort will, I hope, begin to lift the veil on the Great Unspoken, the mystery of the Norwegian Diaspora.

Like most Americans, I have pals whose shackled ancestors were hauled to the New World on slave ships, pals whose great-great-great grandparents escaped the Irish potato famine, friends whose families escaped pogroms, wars, pestilence.

So it rings false when I confess that my grandparents “escaped” from Norway, the country that currently ranks first on the United Nations human-development index. Edenic, peaceful, prosperous Norway. It’s much easier to concentrate on my mother’s Scotch-Irish clan, most of whom were scofflaws fleeing the long arm of the Sovereign.

Curiously, during the 19th and early 20th centuries, Norway hemorrhaged a third of its population, with nearly a million immigrating to the U.S. Washington ranks fourth after Minnesota, Wisconsin, and California in the number of Norwegian-Americans.

These new citizens were purportedly motivated by a spirit of adventure as well as a lack of arable land. Why, then, do the black-and-white portraits of my grandparents telegraph a life-is-short, hemorrhoidal despair? Were adventurous Scandinavians simply unable to express themselves physically? The short answer is yes. Think of an Ingmar Bergman film or look at any Lutheran to confirm.

It still suggests a mystery, especially since Norwegians gravitated to a climate and landscape that mimicked the Old Country. I mean, why leave?

We know that Norwegian-Americans had a wonderfully disruptive impact on the Northwest’s social and political culture. They transplanted a taste for trade unionism and fair play and filled the ranks of the ill-fated Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Advancing social justice and health care balanced a weakness for alcoholism, unipolar depression, and inedible delicacies like lutefisk.

Applying the description “wonderfully disruptive” to the nebula of immigration might inflame the occasional Know Nothing or Lou Dobbs’s nativist. It also happily underlines their ignorance. Immigration has always been a shifting stream, that Heraclitus notion of never stepping into the same river twice. In the coming decades, we could witness LIEF analogues with statues of Pushkin in Mountlake Terrace, Wash., or of Santa Ana in Yakima, or of Mahatma Gandhi in Boise.

It’s true that for the P.C. and the hyper-sensitized, a statue of a helmeted, jut-jawed Viking is yet another symbol of the patriarchy. But give us this, please: As locals are wont to say, Leif Erikson just may be the last Scandinavian in Ballard.

Remembering Keith Grinstein

originally published on Crosscut.com on October 2, 2008

Keith Grinstein, who died unexpectedly on Sunday, Sept. 28, at age 48, was a kinetic entrepreneur and altruist, as hilarious as he was intense. Picture a young-end Baby Boomer as a throwback to Seattle’s civic lions, circa 1962.

It may be a sin to use the subjunctive tense, especially about a life interrupted, but Keith’s biography would have tracked with the Northwest’s Jim Ellis and Eddie Carlson, innovators who knit together business savvy, public vision, and community values.

It’s a “what if” that only magnifies the grief, the break of a generational thread that can’t be mended.Next: The problem with Seattle’s progressive chattering class

Keith’s first job after graduating from Yale was as a $16,000-a-year natural resources aide to my late father, Sen. Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson. It was Keith’s public-service baptism, the ballast for later life. It was also, again, a $16,000 position. After six months, he came up for review. His new salary was set at $17,600.

Years later, Keith would rib his former boss, chief-of-staff Denny Miller. “Come on,” Denny reminded him. “That was a 10 percent raise!”

Keith moved on to Georgetown Law School and an inspired career in telecommunications and venture capital, the kind of work where a 10 percent raise carries a bit more oomph. Along the way, he seemed to breathe life into a line from Theodore Roethke’s The Waking: “I learn by going where I have to go.” Wherever he landed in life or career, Keith was bound to a legacy of service.

To witness Keith together with his dad, Gerry, a former hand of Sen. Warren Magnuson and the recent former Delta Air Lines CEO, was to experience the science fiction of H.G. Wells. It was a dance of identical twins with one time-traveling sibling three decades younger than the other. Son complemented father, both emblematic of service above self; each was shrewd at tackling complex problems while highlighting the absurdity of certain politicians and other inflated egos.Next: Symptoms and struggles persist for WA couple, 10 months after COVID

Keith was, make no mistake, a frenetic presence. A year ago, we served together on a foundation finance committee. He’d rock in his armchair and rapid-fire acronyms, liquidity trends, and other arcana. There was a dervish-style coherence to his method, but I was clueless. I would quietly write down what few nuggets I could comprehend, usually “Dow Jones” and “buy low.” It was humbling.

In the 1990s, Keith became a member of Seattle’s dot-com aristocracy, those youngins who shoveled their Gold Rush loot and remade local philanthropy. It’s a community that’s done enormous good, recasting funding priorities and embracing transparency. Too many, however, have boosted vanity projects or expressed do-gooderism as an extension of themselves. Keith had the good judgment to concentrate on a few community totems and behind-the-scences volunteering that employed his skills as an investment guru. He was focused, effective, and (and I mean this) understated. It was meaningful do-gooderism as an end in itself.

Looking for some big-brother-ish guidance a few years back, I met up with Keith at the Montlake neighborhood Starbucks.

I began to wax Bohemian. What should I do with my life? I was acting the obnoxious Hamlet.

“Michael Jordan,” Keith said. “He does just one thing. Basketball. And he thrives.”

Hmmm. The analogy sounded a little too simple. I continued pressing.

Keith made some jokes at his own expense and finally leaned forward and said something quasi-Scandanavian, a sentiment that spoke to my Ingmar Bergman-esque soul.

“Just imagine that you’ll only live to be 40,” Keith said. “What can you say that you did with your life? You have to seize something now, something you love, and run with it.”

Wise counsel from a wise man: Do one thing well. Life is short.

If only that the latter weren’t true.

In Everett, history is now history

originally published on Crosscut.com on August 4, 2008

For decades my mother ritually pulled out the Everett Herald sports page, folded it into squares, and inserted it neatly under the cat pan.

It was the family exception that underscored the rule: All parts of a newspaper are equal, but some parts are more equal than others.

For Snohomish County history-philes, the rule was thrown into relief when the Herald abruptly dropped its long-running history feature, Jack O’Donnell’s “Seems Like Yesterday.” Tucked inside the local section below the fold, “Yesterday” delivered a compendium of events, sports scores, and headlines culled from the paper’s archives. It was the local-color touchstone that was, we believed, more equal than others.

Explaining the decision, Executive Editor Neal Pattison wrote:Championship teams see their winning streaks end. Even the biggest hits on Broadway eventually go dark. And every year, it gets harder and harder to find some of our favorite items on the store shelves. The world around us changes. Things end.

It was the nature of that thing’s end that had all the earmarks (and the attendant only-if feel) of an accidental death.

Because of a communications glitch, “Yesterday” was dropped for several days. Its absence, however, didn’t kindle a popular uprising. One reader phoned to complain. O’Donnell understood there were at least four e-mails or calls.

No matter. History buffs, unlike history makers, are practitioners of soft power. With the benefit of hindsight, we should have mobilized a history-phile army outfitted as Wobblies and stormed the Herald newsroom shouting, “One Big Union!”

Again, hindsight.

The demise of “Yesterday” raises a broader, existential question. In the age of dice-your-news Internet and print austerity, how salient is local history? The Herald has yet to stumble into the maw of homogenized wire news. Its local coverage is excellent, and its editorial page easily ranks as one of the best in the Northwest. All the while, most SnoCo-ers don’t run to the Herald for analysis of Darfur or the financial crisis at Fannie Mae. They read it to get the local skinny. They read it because a sense of place and a sense of history hang together.

It’s easy to dismiss features like “Yesterday” as folksy relics, the exclusive reserve of blue hairs with magnifying glasses. Consider, however, the popularity of Web sites such as HistoryLink, with 8,000 daily unique visitors and a “This Week Then” home page that’s essentially a writ large version of O’Donnell. Or consider magazines like Harper’s and The Atlantic that regularly reprint essays from 50 or 100 hundred years ago. More than octogenarians in letterman’s sweaters hunger for this sort of idiosyncratic history.

Neal Pattison is a savvy, experienced editor. He’s pledged that the Herald will continue its focus on local history.

In a spirit of reconciliation (Pattison’s “things end” sentiment qualifies as philo-Lutheran), and on behalf of the outfitted Wobblies agitating for revolution, I beg of you, Brother Neal, please reconsider.

John Anderson’s Pennsylvania postmortem

originally published on Crosscut.com on April 24, 2008

Consecrate a Scandinavian-American in the spirit of Obama-mania and footlight a contradiction: the Audacity of Pessimism.

Consider John Anderson, the octogenarian former Illinois Republican congressman and 1980 Independent presidential candidate (Anderson agreed that his age, 86, was irrelevant). Anderson’s recent Barack endorsement complements another Obama-celebrity booster, former EPA administrator and elder-fish-head statesman, Bill Ruckelshaus.

“I’m nursing my wounds,” Anderson said over scotch, the day after the Pennsylvania primary.

“It’s a little debilitating, but not enough to lose your resolve,” he said.

I was visiting Anderson in Washington, D.C., the day after I moderated a panel noodling a proposed U.S. Public Service Academy.

Only once during our conversation did Anderson exhibit attenuated judgment.

“I’m very proud of my Swedish heritage,” he said.

In the Northwest, Anderson’s 1980 presidential bid ignited passionate support. There was a refreshing courage to his message, from promoting a national gasoline tax to bolster conservation to delivering a speech to the National Rifle Association knocking the organization’s strategy of quashing gun control.

The latter drew hoots from Westerners, Democrats included, but it was arguably more brave than foolish (members of the audience were packing heat after all). That year Anderson managed a politician’s dream, albeit a doomed one, of advocating a vision for America unencumbered by pollsters and special interests.

Over the past quarter century, he’s remained civically active and continues to teach electoral and constitutional law. In 2006, he flew to Tacoma to push Amendment Three to the Pierce County Charter. The amendment established instant runoff elections, a political tool that boosts the viability of independent candidates.

All the while, Anderson was dogged by a former Republican colleague,Burt Talcott, who had “minimum high regard” for Anderson’s advocacy.

In the end, Anderson won.

What of Tuesday’s disappointing returns? “I have not not become hopeless,” he said, despite the Democratic party’s “self-wounding.”

In particular, the recent endorsements of former Senators Sam Nunn and David Boren should resonate with more conservative voters, he said.

Obama-mania notwithstanding, what about the odds of ever electing a “squarehead” President? (slang for a Scandinavian).

“That won’t happen for a long, long time,” Anderson said.

Editor’s note: William Ruckelshaus, mentioned in this article, is one of 18 owners of Crosscut.

Popping the question

originally published on Crosscut.com on April 14, 2008

It’s the one question in my brief, unremarkable career as a pseudo-journalist that I’ve ached to ask, and the tempest over question screening at this afternoon’s University of Washington convocation honoring His Holiness the Dalai Lama provides just the opening.

It’s the one question in my brief, unremarkable career as a pseudo-journalist that I’ve ached to ask, and the tempest over question screening at this afternoon’s University of Washington convocation honoring His Holiness the Dalai Lama provides just the opening.

“So, post hoc ergo propter hoc?” I ask.

“Correct,” said Norm Arkans, the university’s director of media relations.

That’s right, it’s the fallacy of post hoc ergo propter hoc, or the appearance of a causal relationship between the UW’s decision to nix non-compassion-related student questions with outside pressures to de-politicize the convocation from the university’s Chinese Students and Scholars Association and the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco.

It’s a fallacy that’s generated a predictable beef and cries of censorship.

The issue was thrown into relief thanks to an April 9 P-I blog by education reporter Amy Rolph. The Chinese Students and Scholars Association posted a letter on its Web site inferring that President Mark Emmert capitulated to demands that the convocation remain politics (read: all-things-Tibet-related) free.

“That’s their interpretation,” Arkans said.

Arkans verified that the decision to keep student questions aligned with the compassion theme was made well before pro-PRC pressure groups put on the squeeze.

Still, the temptation is to ding UW honchos for appearing to ape United Nations apparatchiks.

On this one, however, the UW deserves a pass. Conferring an honorary degree of Doctor of Humane Letters to Tibet’s spiritual poobah and president-in-exile is a salient political statement in itself. The Dalai Lama is only the fifth UW honorary-degree recipient in the modern era (he was preceded by Desmond Tutu, Madeline Albright, the late August Wilson, and Bill Ruckelshaus).

His Holiness will have forty minutes “to speak about whatever he wants,” Arkans said.

Most likely, the Dalai Lama will embrace the elephant in Hec Edmundson Pavilion and underline the struggle for political freedom in Tibet. His willingness to broach the subject on Sunday was a positive sign.

Moreover, the university’s on-message dictum shouldn’t preclude questions along the lines of, “How do we advance compassion in Everett, WA, and by extension add teeth to the movement to ensure human rights and self-determintaion in Tibet?” (a stretch, but why the heck not)?

Or a simple, “Is it time to incorporate just a smidgen of Reinhold Niebuhr’s realism into the Tibetan Dharma?”

Thankfully, half of today’s fifteen student questioners will come from colleges other than the UW. They’ll have very little to lose. In addition, as Arkans observed, “They’ll be in front of a microphone.” Nobody is going to stop clever (and perhaps necessary) improvising, especially if the Dalai Lama decides to sidestep politics altogether.

Not that anyone is trying to foster political discussion or suggest non-compassionate questions, mind you.

Bring on Lama-Palooza

originally published on Crosscut.com on April 9, 2008

The April 11-15 Puget Sound visit of His Holiness the Dalai Lama teases out multiple narratives with quintessential Northwest story lines.

There’s the wireless tycoon with the Paul Allen appetite for the Big Cause; the social entrepreneurs and early learning boosters who’ve inherited a new platform; and the Dalai Lama serving as Dalai Rorschach, a stand-in mirror that reveals the old, the new, and the still-in-progress of Seattle.

Tom Robbins, where art thou?

Lama-Palooza’s man behind the curtain is a driven entrepreneur named Dan Kranzler, a Charles Foster Kane for children and early learning (better that than, say, politics or yellow journalism).

Kranzler is a Bellevue-based wireless executive who founded Mforma, a mobile-entertainment company, in 2001. He was also an InfoSpace investor who used the windfall of the 1990s high-tech gold rush to create the Kirlin Foundation, a grantmaking institution with a self-described vision “of a global society, identified first and foremost by the grace of its empathy and compassion.”

“Kirlin” is an aggregate of the names of the two Kranzler daughters, Kira and Caitlin.

Kirlin’s grant recipients include the Bellevue Schools Foundation, Arts Corps, and other mainstream, child-centric charities. Last year, the Foundation teamed up with the Venerable Tenzin Dhonden, a monk and Dalai emissary, to launch “Seeds of Compassion,” a vehicle to host the Dalai Lama and promote the benefits of compassion early in life.

Seeds of Compassion does not have Form 990s, submitted by nonprofits to the IRS, because it’s an initiative of Kirlin. Kirlin’s last 990 from November 2007 reports net assets of approximately $6.3 million. Consistent with many family foundations, the board is tiny (six members, including Kirlin’s executive director, Ron Rabin, who serves ex-officio).

Because the Seeds initiative is so new, it’s impossible to root out expense figures such as the salary of former Seattle Schools superintendent and executive director, Raj Manhas, as well as the specific amounts donated by organizations, companies, and individuals.

This short term, Masonic-style obliqueness doesn’t suggest anything sinister other than cloaking the obvious, that a generous benefactor is footing the Dalai Lama’s bill.

Fundraisers, volunteers, and dozens of Seeds of Compassion sponsors will challenge this, with various supporters ponying up thousands of the $2.75 million already raised. KING-TV in Seattle is donating air time, and many are laboring 24/7 pro bono, along with more than 1,500 volunteers.

A handful represent a Who’s Who of child advocates, including Pam Eakes, the founder of Mothers Against Violence in America, former Washington First Lady Mona Locke, and former Boeing executive and consummate public servant Bob Watt.

This is the real story, Dalai Lama notwithstanding. Washington state is in the vanguard of foster-care innovations, brain-development research, and early childhood education. What better vehicle to burnish an extraordinary cause, irrespective of religious faith?

Traditionalists might wince at the protean spirituality of Dalai-philes who pick up nuggets of Buddhism like cafeteria Catholics, draping on only those accessories that feel comfortable. Northwesterners know that old religious leaders are supposed to be, by temperament and design, old scolds.

Fear not, me Lutherans: The First Noble Truth of Buddhism is “that life is suffering” and what could be more despairing or inherently Northwestern than that?

Moreover, as the University of Washington’s Kyoko Tokuno observes, the Dalai Lama can’t control those who gravitate to his example of Buddhist teaching. Says Tokuno, a Buddhist scholar and assistant professor in comparative religion: “They came to him and he obliged.”

This is particularly relevant for the Richard Geres, Steven Seagals, and other Hollywood gliterrati who’ve embraced Tibetan Buddhism.

Musician Dave Matthews, scheduled to perform at a sold-out KeyArena benefit Friday afternoon, illustrates the Dalai Lama’s celebrity fix. Thousands will hear the peaceable message of a Nobelist and spiritual icon. All the while, a rock concert feeds the stereotype, at least among squares and skeptics, that Tenzin Gyatso, his Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, is mostly about pop-fluff and the Zeitgeist.

For those fearful of children, repelled by rock and roll, and otherwise flummoxed by the mystery of the Divine, the Dalai Lama’s visit throws light on the political question of Tibetan sovereignty and human rights.

Here things get tricky, as Western and Eastern sensibilities collide.

As Holly Morris writes in Sunday’s New York Times Book Review of Pico Iyer’s new biography of the Dalai Lama, The Open Road, the Dalai Lama “continues to urge a controversial forbearance (rather than direct action) toward the Chinese, even as occupied Tibet is a whisper away from gone.”

Others, such as Patrick French, are more scathing.The Dalai Lama is a great and charismatic spiritual figure, but a poor and poorly advised political strategist. When he escaped into exile in India in 1959, he declared himself an admirer of Mahatma Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance. But Gandhi took huge gambles, starting the Salt March and starving himself nearly to death – a very different approach from the Dalai Lama’s middle way, which concentrates on nonviolence rather than resistance. The Dalai Lama has never really tried to use direct action to leverage his authority.

Graft the spiritual Middle Way to the political sphere and let loose the “tsking” of the Academy.

The Middle Way is not a political strategy but a philosophical foundation, Tokuno notes. “He is a religious man. Strategy is a political term.” She says the value of patience and noodling issues over the long term are consonant with the Dalai Lama’s Buddhist heritage.

The burden of moral leadership, however, is also the burden of unintended consequences. Kindle hopes for political freedom sans teeth and political leverage in the same year as the Beijing Summer Olympics, and Tibet risks repeating the tragedy of Hungary in 1956.

This may reflect the arrogance of a Western lens, but it’s the only lens most of us know. Our orientation is Aristotelian – man as a political animal. “It’s a cold world,” the great Northwest poet William Stafford reminded us. Stafford also happened to be a committed pacifist.

To proffer a political critique of the most gentle and beloved spiritual leader on the planet is to invite decades of bad karma. Let’s begin:

Professor David Bachman, a respected University of Washington China scholar, fears that the Dalai Lama’s visit will not necessarily translate into anything meaningful for the people of Tibet.

“He does have to strategize now,” Bachman says, noting that the Dalai Lama has had since his 1989 Nobel Prize to magoozle a political solution to the Tibet crisis.

One recommendation from columnist Nicholas Kristof offers a solution.The Dalai Lama is the last, best hope for reaching an agreement that would resolve the dispute over Tibet forever. He accepts autonomy, rather than independence, and he has the moral authority to persuade Tibetans to accept a deal. The outlines of an agreement would be simple. The Dalai Lama would return to Tibet as a spiritual leader, and Tibetans would be permitted to possess his picture and revere him, while he would unequivocally accept Chinese sovereignty. Monasteries would have much greater religious freedom, and Han Chinese migration to Tibet would be limited. The Dalai Lama would also accept that the Tibetan region encompasses only what is now labeled Tibet on the maps, not the much larger region of historic Tibet that he has continued to claim. With such an arrangement, China could resolve the problem of Tibet, improve its international image, reassure Taiwan and rectify a 50-year-old policy of repression that has catastrophically failed.

Let’s hope that the Dalai Lama takes time to commiserate and pray with fellow Nobelist Desmond Tutu, who is also scheduled to participate in the Seeds of Compassion program. Tutu may represent a Western paradigm, but he understands the nature of peace, the import of direct action, and the realities and limits of human nature.

Herein lie the roots of Northwest cynicism: that Puget Sound vendors will sell out of “Free Tibet” bumper stickers while that distant land with its indigenous population, emboldened by the spirit of the well-intentioned, burns.

This just in: Boomers ruined America

originally published on Crosscut.com on March 26, 2008

On Monday night I went to see Brett Morgen’s Chicago 10, an animated/snatches-of-newsreel documentary on the 1968 Democratic National Convention riots and subsequent Chicago Seven conspiracy trial (the filmmaker rounded the seven up to ten to include attorneys Bill Kunstler and Leonard Weinglass as well as Black Panther leader Bobby Seale).

On Monday night I went to see Brett Morgen’s Chicago 10, an animated/snatches-of-newsreel documentary on the 1968 Democratic National Convention riots and subsequent Chicago Seven conspiracy trial (the filmmaker rounded the seven up to ten to include attorneys Bill Kunstler and Leonard Weinglass as well as Black Panther leader Bobby Seale).

It’s an ode to the glory days of dope-addled bomb throwing that filled my non-Boomer, truth-in-history heart with dread: Somewhere in the Midwest, I imagine, a textbook editor is pasting a photo of a stoned and hirsute Abbie Hoffman beneath a caption that reads, “Ending the War, Fighting for Civil Rights.”

Nooooo, please, sister, stop!

Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, et al. delighted in radical chic (and its attendant windfall of easy sex) LSD, and comic relief. They’re a part of the 1960s narrative, but not a substantive part. If anything, they kindled a backlash that gave us Richard Nixon and six more years of bloodshed in Vietnam.

Make no mistake: If I weren’t preoccupied with learning to crawl in 1968, I likely would have been rioting and getting my noggin’ cracked by Chicago’s finest. And like most privileged, male protesters, I would have monkeyed an excuse to sidestep the draft while my less-connected compatriots in Everett, WA went off to serve and die.

It’s all those Midwestern textbook editors who should take note that counterculture jesting not eclipse Hoffman and Rubin’s predecessors who made up in courage what they lacked in glitz.

I’m thinking of the Greensboro lunch-counter protestors, and MLK, and the self-immolating Buddhist Monks in SE Asia, even Oregon Senator Wayne Morse who was one of just two U.S. Senators to oppose the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin resolution. These were passionate, risk-taking folks: Sober, intense, unyielding.

Pretentious movies, of course, call for pretentious Northwest asides: When it comes to radicals, the Seattle Seven were infinitely more compelling than their Chicago counterparts. For heaven’s sake, we had Michael Lerner, he of Tikkun and Bill and Hillary-braintrust fame.

Maybe it’s the baby-boomer schmaltz that triggered my inner-hardhat. Halfway through Chicago 10, I struggled to erase flashbacks of a 2006 Simpsons episode, written by Tim Long, in which Abe “Grampa” Simpson decides to be euthanized. To enhance his final minutes on earth, Abe asks to hear the music of the Glenn Miller Orchestra while watching footage of cops beating up hippies.

So wrong, Grampa, but somehow resonant, given the times.

The truth-in-history narrative even extends to Barack Obama’s speech on race. On March 18, Obama was introduced by a graying statesman named Harris Wofford, a former university president and (briefly) a U.S. senator from Pennsylvania. It was Wofford who introduced Martin Luther King to the non-violent resistance tactics of Mahatma Gandhi and who shepherded the Peace Corps during its formative, early years.

Still, Harris Wofford won’t get stopped on the sidewalk and asked for his autograph. Wish I could say the same for Tom Hayden and Bobby Seale.

Reporters, 50-ish, continue aging

originally published on Crosscut.com on March 13, 2008

It happened twice in 2007 and again this past February: A journalist asked my age for a news item. No matter that youth is irrelevant in a meritocracy. Age has emerged as one of those nervy, reflexive questions that only third graders and professional scribblers are comfortable asking.

It happened twice in 2007 and again this past February: A journalist asked my age for a news item. No matter that youth is irrelevant in a meritocracy. Age has emerged as one of those nervy, reflexive questions that only third graders and professional scribblers are comfortable asking.

Maybe I wouldn’t be as sensitive if I hadn’t hit the big “39” (give or take). Nevertheless, except for public figures, shouldn’t age be ancillary or even a quasi-zone of privacy?

A Fourth Estate axiom on the appropriateness of asking or citing an individual’s age likely exists, but it’s not the sort of question a writer casually raises with Crosscut Editor Chuck Taylor, 77? or Publisher David Brewster, eightysomething.

Better to check with the not-getting-any-younger reporter class.

“We typically don’t ask a person’s age unless it has some value to the reader,” said Mike Seely, 33, managing editor for the Seattle Weekly. “Like if how old they are runs counter to what people believe is the appropriate age for a profession or way of life, for instance.”

Seely’s response contrasts slightly with practices at the Tacoma News Tribune. Longtime columnist and reporter Peter Callaghan, boyish but nevertheless 50, said in an e-mail, “Generally we ask for people’s ages. If they don’t want to give it, we don’t check with the Department of Licensing or anything. I don’t think it is a hard rule or style issue.”

Callaghan continued: It is a piece of info that is of some interest in certain types of stories. Certainly a profile will include age. Crime stories generally do. It places the person generationally. In community journalism where a lot of people know each other, they want to know if it is the father or the son or whether that’s the Bob Smith they went to school with. Old people don’t think young people have anything worthwhile to say, and young people don’t care what old people say.

KPLU’s Austin Jenkins, 34, who also serves as a Crosscut scribe, observed that age references make little sense with radio.

“I don’t think we ever do the age thing unless it’s relevant to the story. But that’s mainly because it would sound odd: ‘Peter Jackson, age 39, said …'”

“That said, I wonder where and why the practice developed. I’m not even sure most newspapers do it anymore.”

“I, for the record, am going to be 35 in August,” Jenkins noted in his e-mail. “And I wish I could put the brakes on time!”

Alas, Brother Jenkins, them brakes are indeed broke.

True enough, I may be a wee consumed by issues of mortality. When a friend celebrates a birthday, I always raise my cup of aquavit like a pre-battle Viking and quote from Ernest Becker‘s seminal The Denial of Death.

“The idea of death, the fear of it, haunts the human animal like nothing else,” Becker wrote more than thirty years ago. “It is a mainspring of human activity designed largely to avoid the fatality of death, to overcome it by denying in some way that it is the final destiny for man.”

It’s this kind of hopeful patter that boosts my appeal at funerals and other celebrations.

Mike Henderson, 60, a UW Journalism professor, Crosscut contributor, and former Everett Herald columnist, offered a cogent, meditative reply to my question. “Only if age is germane,” he said.

Henderson turned 60 on March 4, so belated happy birthday, Mike. Statistically, an otherwise healthy sixty-year-old, white, U.S. male should live another 15.2 years, with at least thirty months or more of relative lucidity. God willing.

Regrettably, Henderson seems to exhibit some classic Becker-ish death-denial traits, noting that J-Lo, at age 38, just gave birth to twins and that Hal Holbrook was nominated for an oscar this year at age 82. Even more disturbing and denial-ish, Henderson claims to write as if he’s only “58 1/2.”

A good excuse to review the written record and confirm with the Department of Licensing.