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Coal trains are poor policy: The coal-train reaction

originally published in The Herald

A long-view of coal-export facilities weaves together who is paying for what, the spectrum of environmental impacts, and forecasting where the country will be a generation from now.

But politics are rarely hitched to a long view of history.

For lawmakers, coal trains should be a crucible, a decision unadulterated by electoral or labor politics. Silence or “on the other hand” posturing doesn’t cut it.

Simply put, is this something Washington would like to be known for 20 years from now? A 21st century economy driven by aerospace, agriculture, and coal-export terminals?

No, but as George Orwell wrote, “To see what is in front of one’s nose requires a constant struggle.”

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The selling of The Herald: A new challenge

originally published in The Herald

Over the past decade, disruption in media has become the norm. Curmudgeons are hauled to seminars to learn about online gadgetry. The mantra rings like a line from “The Graduate:” I want to say just one word to you. Just one word. Digital.

Herald scribes, as they always have, show up every day, try to find out what’s going on and then spread the word. Whatever the medium, whether print, mobile or brain implant, people hunger for substance and quality. Ownership is something that happens on a higher floor.

For more than a century, The Herald has provided in-depth reporting and community coverage. The first draft of regional and state history is written by Herald veterans such as Sharon Salyer, Julie Muhlstein, Scott North, Eric Stevick and Bill Sheets. Institutional memory and judgment can’t be replaced.
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Why coal royalties matter: The coal-train reaction

originally published in The Herald

The paradox of the American West is the terrible beauty of a landscape largely owned and managed by the feds, nourishing a population of independent spirits skeptical of big government. Eastern Washington is emblematic of the bite-the-hand contradiction, home to the Hanford Nuclear Reservation and beneficiary of Depression-era public works projects that made the high Columbia desert bloom. Love for the feds? Not so much.

Cross federal lands with private enterprise and a bureaucratic culture sensitive to criticism, and the resulting appetizer serves up the challenge of coal terminals.

Last week, Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden, chair of the U.S. Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, and Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, the committee’s ranking Republican, sent a letter to U.S. Interior Secretary Ken Salazar demanding specifics on the management of federal coal royalties. Their questions flow from a series of Reuters articles detailing the loss of millions of dollars from coal mined on federal land in the Powder River Basin. Presupposing that the Gateway Pacific Terminal at Cherry Point is green-lighted, the basin is the starting point for coal on its way to East Asia via rail.

The possible loss of revenue also costs states where federal coal is mined, specifically Wyoming and Montana. In 2011, Montana and Wyoming exported nearly 18 million tons of coal. Wyoming’s Republican Gov. Matt Mead and Montana’s Democratic Gov. Brian Schweitzer are working to ensure that citizens get a fair return on investment.

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The horror in Newtown: Elementary school murders

originally published in The Herald

Children magnify the rawness of insensible death.

Friday’s massacre at a Newtown, Conn., elementary school, the unfathomable number of murdered kindergarteners, the visitation of evil in the time of Advent. As we wrote earlier this year, how do Americans make sense of the senseless? Elie Weisel said years ago, “Words, they die on our lips.”

“The majority of those who died today were children, beautiful little kids between the ages of 5 and 10 years old,” President Obama said on Friday. “They had their entire lives ahead of them: birthdays, graduations, weddings, kids of their own.” The president, that taciturn profile of reserve, was weeping. Edmonds Police Chief Al Compaan told The Herald, “You just can’t imagine. All these kids, why?”
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Who will speak up for Seattle cartoonist under fatwa threat?

originally published on Crosscut.com

Seattle cartoonist Molly Norris lives with a metaphorical anvil over her head (she is, after all, a cartoonist).

Last month Anwar al-Awlaki, a radical Islamic cleric holed up in Yemen, declared Norris a target for execution. Her transgression? Earlier this year, Norris responded to a censored episode of Comedy Central’s “South Park” that featured the prophet Mohammed dressed in a bear suit (Jesus and other religious figures appeared dressed as themselves). All references to Mohammed were bleeped after the network knuckled to threats by a handful of New Yorkers who dub themselves “Revolution Muslim.”

Norris watched the bleep-filled, image-blanked episode and was repelled. To express her free-speech solidarity, she launched a facetious protest that proclaimed May 20 “Everybody Draw Mohammed Day.” The faux sponsor’s Twain-esque name? “Citizens Against Citizens Against Humor.”

Sadly, at least among a select class of extremists, irreverence of the cartooning sort is a big no-no. And in the 21st century, satire can get you killed.

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Banner week for hypochondriacs

originally published on Crosscut.com on April 30, 2009

On Monday, Governor Gregoire weighed in on the swine flu crisis. “There is absolutely no reason whatsoever for the people of this state to panic,” Gregoire said, “but we all need to be vigilant.” The undertow from the Governor’s use of “vigilant” should trigger fear in the immuno-deficient hearts of hypochondriacs everywhere. It’s a sentiment best reduced to the favorite Czech saying of University of Washington professor Bruce Kochis: “Situation is hopeless but not serious.”

Fatalism, especially for hypochondriacs, is a self-preserving virtue. I had an Aunt Agnes who died in Everett from the Spanish Flu at the turn of the century. I had a Dad who contracted but survived small pox in the 1920s. It doesn’t require a tragedian to connect the apples of the poisoned tree and appreciate that I’m next.

Which brings me to my girlfriend who arrived at Sea Tac Airport at 11:36 PM Tuesday night from Mexico City. What’s a self-respecting hypochondriac to do?

Laurie has a robust immune system which is one of the reasons that I’m so attracted to her. By day she works for an international development organization that is not, contrary to appearances, a CIA front. She labors nonstop, takes frequent overseas trips, and occasionally shouts into her cell in bursts of fluent Spanish like a Latina version of Alden Pyle in Graham Greene’s The Quiet American. (The Company, I’m confident, would not have sent her to Mexico City).

She is clearly more than a petri dish, or a throat culture, or a potential incubator of the swine flu. She is a human being. That’s why I’m so heartsick that the Mexican government didn’t detain her or throw her into quarantine for just a few days. On this side of the border, why not deposit her into a hermetically sealed bubble like the Apollo 11 astronauts? What’s good enough for Neil Armstrong should be good enough for a non-astronaut Idahoan. It seems pluralism and civil liberties trump epidemiological common sense.

Conscientious hypochondriacs have already bookmarked the CDC’s swine flu website. It’s instructive, includes various podcasts from in-the-know docs, and offers up several gems from the hypochondriac’s Bible, e.g., “Try to avoid close contact with sick people.” No-contact behavior dovetails with the broader notion of “social distancing” which sounds like code for “act like a Northwesterner.”

And so I arrived at SeaTac sans protective mask (read: John Wayne-style) to pick her up. She’d kept her mask on in Mexico City, she said, except to eat. “Why did you need to eat?” I wanted to ask, but I couldn’t muster the nerve.

Today Laurie has the sniffles. “Just like I always do after a long trip,” she says. To echo those sanguine Czechs, “Situation is hopeless but not serious.”

Blogging the Inaugural: Near-death becomes pure joy

originally published on Crosscut.com on January 21, 2009

I hit a standing-room mass at my Tenleytown metro station yesterday. It was 6:30 a.m. Imagine getting wedged into a box of bundled flesh with a stranger’s chin on your shoulder. Now imagine you’re a Scandinavian who fears to be touched. By the time I reached Farragut North, I panicked and elbowed my way out.

I walked the mile-and-a-half from the Farragut stop near the White House to Union Station. It’s burn cold here. Ice curls formed in my hair, yeti-like. The only relief was soaking in the street market in All-Things-Obama. It’s unfettered capitalism that locals here refer to as Obama’s first stimulus package: “We Did It!” posters, Obama calendars, paintings, t-shirts, scarfs, and ski caps. Every block a half-dozen hawkers. And every block thoughts of death by frost bite.

At Union Station, I met up with fellow Crosscut scribe, Adam Vogt. We were fortunate to land a pair of seated yellow-section tickets courtesy of Rep. Rick Larsen, who handed out tickets and hosted a constituent meet-and-greet Monday morning at his Cannon Building offices.

Now it was our turn to stand and wait for two and a half hours. No movement. We waited amid the shouting and pushing with no one offering direction except for a handful of alpha male and female ticket holders. One takeaway from an ecstatic rabble: ecstasy doesn’t track with chaos.

A couple times tensions erupted along the (post-racial) color line. We yellow-tickets ballooned and narrowed like a sick artery as the purple ticketers kept pushing through. We heaved forward in a swale shouting, “Darwin!” It was Lord of the Flies on ice.

Two hours in, I paid a scalper five dollars for a pair of eighty-cent hand warmers that I promptly stuck in my sneakers. Make no mistake: I would have paid $200 or (no offense Adam) handed over Adam’s ticket. It was grim, and our only inspiration was this moment in history, the thrill of the Inauguration. That, and watching a stoic Garrison Keillor who stood caplessly nearby.

At 10:45 a.m. our line began to move. At 11:25, just under the wire, we went through the security check, a column of metal detectors that looked strangely out of place on the park grass. Then, suddenly and without warning, we arrived in Oz. We were up close, seated in the center row. The masses on the mall behind looked like thermal waves on asphalt. It was, well, pure joy.

The decline of gathering places

originally published on Crosscut.com

The windowed Lenin’s-tomb-style architecture of the Everett, Wash., Elks is, well, serotonin-lowering. It’s the kind of place that magnifies the natural radiance of the Northwest, because the impulse is to look away. As an unstylish kid growing up in the late 1970s, I sat astride the orange banana seat of a loop-handled three-speed, pedaled past Lodge 479 of the Benevolent and Protective Order of the Elks, and wondered: Who in God’s name is buried there?

A 1960s remodel created a nesting-table effect that’s only apparent after you’ve nosed around inside. And come September, the wrecking ball looms.

There was a time, mid-century, when Everett “Elkdom” ranneth over: 5,000 Elk in a city of 35,000 – the George Babbitts drinking gin with the boys from Scott Paper and the Weyerhaeuser B Mill. The 1953 Polk directory lists the various fraternal organizations that rented space: the Everett Central Lions, Toastmasters, Kiwanis, and Rotary.

The Elks began in Everett in 1899, and their permanent home at 2731 Rucker Ave. has served as a community gathering place for nearly a century. August Heide designed the first mission-style Elks hall in 1910. By 1924, the lodge was expanded in a Heide-designed “mirror image add-on,” in the words of historian David Dilgard. It was fated for a fire in 1960, just in time for the inglorious brutalism of the 1960s. (A “remuddle,” as local historian Margaret Riddle described it.)

Each corner of the Elks Lodge is a tree ring of Northwest social history: the basement locker room that once served as a speakeasy (complete with a back exit), the bas-relief wood carvings and glitter ball in the cabaret room that featured nightclub legends like Eddie Peabody, Sophie Tucker, and Johnny Ray.

And the stag bar known as “the smoke pit” that has pumped out heart- and lung-diseased Elk for generations.

The lodge was Mon Wallgren’s hideaway. Wallgren, an Everett billiards champion, variously served as a congressman, governor, and senator. (Check for his portrait in the legislative building in Olympia – cigarette in hand, he looks as if he’s modeling for a Lucky Strikes glossy.) He donated a pool cue and case with the name of the Senate pal who gifted it to him embossed on the side: Harry S. Truman.

It was a place and time that outlived itself. The beginning of the end came in 1977, when Carl Gipson, a respected Everett City Council member, was the only one of 67 applicants to get blackballed. Gipson is African-American. Elk membership dived – deservedly so.

Just as egregious, it took until 1995 before the door swung open for women to dilute the testosterone tide.

In Bowling Alone, Robert Putnam points to suburbanization, work and time pressures, television, and the generation gap as factors driving the decline of fraternal organizations. These forces intersect with the Western tendency for transience and forgetting – a combustible mix for groups like the Elks.

And what of “social capital?” According to Putnam, it’s the collection of social networks (like the Elks) that enhance community values and generate public goods. Join a group and you reduce your risk of dying (a conundrum for those of us who are both loners and hypochondriacs).

In Milltown, the seminal work on the history of Everett, Norman Clark underlines the social glue of civic participation: “Everett was organized, even overorganized,” Clark writes. “In 1909 the city had 40 fraternal lodges, most of them with women’s auxiliaries. There were 25 labor unions with auxiliaries, dozens of reform clubs, political clubs, women’s clubs, book clubs, historical societies, and professional organizations, each holding regular meetings, picnics, smokers, clambakes, dances, and parties.” Whew.

In 2004, with a crumbling infrastructure and declining membership, the Elks decided to sell their property and build a smaller lodge up the street, financed in part by nine upper-story condos. The net loss of meeting space is substantial: from 36,000 square feet to 22,000 (and significantly less than 22,000 when factoring the condos).

My brief career as a spy with John McCain in China

originally published on Crosscut.com on July 31, 2007

Did my invitation to Thursday’s John McCain shindig, Aug. 2 at the Washington Athletic Club, get lost in the mail? No, I’m a destitute, C-list Democrat shouldering a political love that dares not speak its name. (Update: This event has been canceled.) I know, cry “McCain” and let loose the dogs of the blogosphere. The pain of the Iraq quagmire has, for many, stained a virtuous record. It’s a blinkered take, but no matter: The one obscures the other, just as Vietnam consumed LBJ. Moreover, there’s the McCain campaign’s tactical misfire of sucking up to the far right. Sen. McCain had a zinger-ish reply to this criticism the last time he spoke in Seattle: “What’s wrong with sucking up to everybody?” For any politician (and certainly for a Republican), McCain’s vision and leadership style seem consonant with Northwest values: He’s a champion of national service, of tackling global warming, of environmental protection and wilderness, of services and civil rights for Native Americans, and of meaningful campaign-finance reform. For all of his personal mettle, gravitas, and integrity, though, McCain must shudder when he ventures to the Pacific Northwest. In the dark corners of his subconscious, he knows that I lurk nearby, slumped on a rickety barstool. I gesture up at the TV and extend my index finger like Marley’s ghost. “There’s ‘ol John McCain,” I say. “You know, John and I shot a couple rolls of film for the CIA in ’79. My first work for the Company, and …” So let me take you back to the halcyon days of 1979. John McCain was Capt. John S. McCain III, the Navy’s U.S. Senate liaison and the escort officer for overseas congressional trips. During that time, intelligence bigwigs knew what few dared acknowledge – that having dependent children along as part of a congressional entourage advanced the national security interests of the United States. That’s where I came in, at age 12 and the son of a senator. (Hey, at least no one had the temerity to call them “trade missions.”) For three humid weeks in August, a dozen of us rambled across prelapsarian China, from Beijing to Inner Mongolia to an unscheduled pit stop at an air base somewhere in the Gobi Desert. The base was a relic of the Cold War, and it felt as if we’d wandered into a color-smudged documentary featuring 1950s-era jets. It was there, during an emergency stop to repair an engine on our Russian turboprop, that I finally bonded with the once and future presidential candidateI had spied the captain from a distance, impressed by his humility, his humor, and his willingness to help his sometimes high-maintenance cohorts. He was a kind of silver-haired wunderkind with a copy of Teddy White’s In Search of History in one hand and a pack of Winstons in the other. I arrogantly figured myself McCain’s doppelganger, both of us slightly detached and amused by how we had ended up schlepping around the Chinese hinterland with a dozen VIPs. I was a gawky 12 with Beefeater hair lomped beneath a “Sonics #1” baseball cap. I didn’t have the look of an intelligence asset, although that would change – at least the “asset” part. “Why don’t you come take my picture?” McCain asked. I was armed with my father’s Leica, and as McCain posed in front of a jet fighter, I obliged. “OK now, just take a picture of the plane.” It seemed a wee odd, but fine. We walked behind a hangar and were blasted by the midday heat. “There,” McCain said, pointing to some kind of microwave dish. Click. “And there.” Curiously, it wasn’t critical to have McCain in the picture anymore. It took a few minutes, but I’d finally clued in. I began to take shots of anything and everything that looked exotic or technical: a toolbox, a phone line, a revolving radar do-hicky. Click. For God, for country, and for the respect of Capt. McCain. Click. As we re-boarded our plane to Beijing, I surrendered my rolls of film to the captain and, characteristically thoughtful and good-natured, he thanked me. The bond was complete. At a 2006 event in McCain’s honor, I mentioned my foray into 007 territory. “You were a minor at the time,” the senator joked, “you were expendable.” I love that man. For the sake of independents and other McCain boosters in the West (and I’m one of them), I hope Republicans don’t think of John McCain as expendable, as well.

The legacy of Idaho’s Frank Church has been shredded

originally published on Crosscut.com

President Bush’s hustle to de-fang the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (FISA) should generate some hometown stewing. FISA is, after all, one of ours: The consummate Northwest-bred law that flowed from the consummate Northwest lawmaker, Sen. Frank Church of Idaho.

Of the various Bush administration outrages, FISA abuse muscles to the front. G-men running bugs on Americans in America without a warrant? J.Edgar Hoover must be looking down (or, more likely, looking up) and smiling.

Not surprisingly, the Bush administration’s flout-the-law rationale echoes with Nixonian hubris: Attorney General Alberto Gonzales argues that it’s part of Bush’s “inherent presidential powers” under Article II of the Constitution. (By the way, Gonzales will speak in Seattle on Wednesday, June 27.) A more creative, lamentable excuse is Congress’ post-9/11 authorization of the use of military force. The joint resolution okayed “all necessary and appropriate force” to smash terrorism, which the president applied – and still applies – as a pretext to bypass the statutory restrictions in the 1978 law.

We’re a poorer country for it, brothers and sisters.

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